Most research on residential mobility has documented a clear pattern: Residential and school moves are associated with poor academic performance. Explanations for this relationship, however remain speculative. Some re...
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Most research on residential mobility has documented a clear pattern: Residential and school moves are associated with poor academic performance. Explanations for this relationship, however remain speculative. Some researchers argue that moving affects so- cial relationships that are important to academic achievement. But the association between moving and school performance may be spurious: the negative correlation may be a function of other characteristics of people who move often. We offer several conceptual and analytical refinements to these ideas, allowing us to produce more precise tests than past researchers. Using longitudinal data, we find that differences in achievement between movers and nonmovers are partially a result of declines in social relationships experienced by students who move. Most of the negative effect of moving, however, is dice to preexisting differences between the two groups.
In this paper we analyze the economic and demographic factors that influence return migration, focusing on generation 1.5 immigrants. Using longitudinal data from the 1979 youth cohort of the National Longitudinal Sur...
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In this paper we analyze the economic and demographic factors that influence return migration, focusing on generation 1.5 immigrants. Using longitudinal data from the 1979 youth cohort of the National Longitudinal Surveys (NLSY79), we track residential histories of young immigrants to the United States and analyze the covariates associated with return migration to their home country. Overall, return migration appears to respond to economic incentives, as well as to cultural and linguistic ties to the United States and the home country. We find no role for welfare magnets in the decision to return, but we learn that welfare participation leads to lower probability of return migration. Finally we see no evidence of a skill bias in return migration, where skill is measured by performance on the Armed Forces Qualifying Test.
The design of education and prevention strategies to stem the spread of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) in rural areas depends on having accurate patterns of risk beha...
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The design of education and prevention strategies to stem the spread of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS) in rural areas depends on having accurate patterns of risk behavior and transmission in local areas. Interviews were conducted with people in rural areas and small cities in Delaware, Florida, Georgia and South Carolina who were at least 18 years old and infected with HN in order to describe demographic characteristics, migration patterns and risk behaviors. Interviews were conducted with 608 people. Most respondents were male (66 percent), black (63 percent of men, 85 percent of women) and had been infected through sexual contact (67 percent of men, 66 percent of women). Most (65 percent) had lived away from a rural area or small city for at least one month;of those, 71 percent had moved from an urban area. Twenty-seven percent of respondents indicated they had been infected locally. People with a history of injection drug use were less likely to have been infected locally than those rc,ho had no history of injection drug use (6 percent vs. 26 percent among men, 3 percent vs. 40 percent among women, P<0.001). Further understanding of the role of socioeconomic factors in HIV transmission in rural areas and small cities is needed. Programs designed to prevent HIV acquisition among people living in rural areas and small cities in the Southeast should focus on sexual behavior.
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